Monday, June 26, 2017

KIM JONG SUK (BIOGRAPHY)



KIM JONG SUK




BIOGRAPHY (first Part)





















Written By 
Bhuwan Kumae Budha








CHILDHOOD

Kim Jong Suk was born of peasant parents, Kim Chun San and O Ssi, at Osan-dong, Hoeryong Sub-county, Hoeryong County, (now Tongmyong-dong, Hoeryong City), North Hamgyong Province, on December 24, Juche 61 (1917).

Her family had moved from place to place, being mistreated and exploited by landowners. In 1895, in her grandfather‟s time, they had set-tled down in Hoeryong. Here, too, they had to live in poverty as share-croppers. After her grandfather‟s death, they became worse off, under the burden of increasing debts, because her father, the pillar of the family, was frequently away from home working for the independence movement.

Just before Kim Jong Suk was born, the family, unable to pay back its debts, lost its share-cropping land and its thatched cottage was pulled down. They had to live in a room in another family‟s house on Osan Hill.

After passing the winter in the borrowed room, her father built a lean-to that adjoined the room. Kim Jong Suk was born in the lean-to.

The Japanese imperialists, who had occupied Korea, resorted to military rule, shooting, burning or burying innocent Koreans alive.

The Koreans suffered all these atrocities, and the whole country was reduced to a prison. The people‟s wailing over the loss of national sovereignty reverberated everywhere, and the blood of Koreans soaked their own land. The Korean people stood up to fight against the Japanese.

In these years of national suffering, Kim Jong Suk‟s family also fought bravely against the Japanese aggressors, for the country and the people.

Her grandfather had participated in a peasant uprising against Korea‟s feudal rulers, but the patriotic cause failed, and he died in 1908. Her

father was engaged in the independence movement against the Japanese for many years, crossing and recrossing the Tuman River (that flows between Korea and China—Tr.). The patriot died in a foreign land in 1929. Her mother helped her husband in his patriotic struggle, bringing up her children to be patriots and revolutionaries. She was killed by Japanese “punitive” troops in July 1932. Kim Jong Suk‟s elder brother Kim Ki Jun was an efficient underground operative. He was killed by the enemy in 1934 while fighting to carry out Kim Il Sung‟s Juche-oriented revolutionary line. Her younger

From her childhood, Kim Jong Suk gave thought more to the welfare of her parents and brothers, and her neighbours than to herself. Once, while fetching water from a well for her mother working in a field, she tripped over a stone and broke the earthenware jar, which her mother had brought with her as part of her dowry. A few days later, she called at the local kiln, which hired village women for temporary work and paid them with earthenware jars. Kim Jong Suk, however, was too young to get a job there. Regretfully turning away, she saw that one of the women working there had a crying baby on her back. Feeling pity for the woman, she took the baby from its mother and cared for it till noon.


THE FIRST STEP OF STRUGGLE

Early in 1931, the Japanese imperialists‟ ambition to occupy Manchuria became transparent, and war was imminent in that part of the world.

Meanwhile, the Korean people‟s resistance to Japanese fascist rule developed into a violent mass struggle.Kim Il Sung, who set forth the line of armed struggle against the Japanese at the Kalun meeting, moved to the area of the Tuman River in order to make preparations for the armed struggle, and worked hard to rally the broad masses of the people into the revolutionary ranks.

The atmosphere of revolution also enveloped Fuyandong. Political operatives who had been dispatched there by Kim Il Sung formed the Anti-Imperialist Union (AIU), Peasants Association, Revolutionary Mutual Aid Society3, Women‟s Association and other revolutionary organizations in that area by enlisting the masses into them.

In those days, Kim Ki Jun was a hard-core member of the AIU. His family did not know this, but Kim Jong Suk sensed that her elder brother was working by night for a great cause. She believed that he was treading the path of struggle to win back the lost country, and resolved to follow suit.

The Young Communist League (YCL) gave an assignment to the night-school teacher to train Kim Jong Suk into a regular revolutionary through practical struggle. With her teacher‟s help, Kim Jong Suk realized that it was Kim Il Sung who was giving leadership to the Korean revolution. His noble name which symbolized the cherished desire of the entire nation was firmly imprinted in her memory. She imagined the man to whom the name belonged, and believed that he would win back the lost country for the nation, provide the Korean people with a new world free from exploitation and oppression, destroy the Japanese marauders and put right the evils of society. She determined to fight all her life along the road indicated by him.

One spring day in 1931, Kim Jong Suk turned up at a rendezvous at the foot of Mt. Nan, in excitement to receive an assignment from the revolu-tionary organization for the first time in her life. From a shady thicket, her night-school teacher appeared. Some distance away, Kim Ki Jun was standing. Her heart throbbed with a feeling of respect for her brother and pride in having such a brother, as well as her delight and pride in herself for following the path he had taken.

She received an assignment to scatter leaflets of a written appeal in her village and at places where many people would gather. She stole through the village in the darkness of night to carry out the assignment.

Next morning, the whole village found itself in great excitement to see the leaflets scattered all over their yards and the roads; one was even pasted on the gate of the landowner‟s house.


LEADERSHIP

Following the foundation of the AJPGA, the first revolutionary armed force of the Korean people, Kim Il Sung set the task of organizing a guerrilla base in the form of a liberated zone in May 1932, in order to protect the young guerrilla army and the revolutionary masses from the enemy‟s attacks, and quickly increase and strengthen the revolutionary forces.

As part of the effort, a guerrilla zone was established in Shangcun, Fuyan, and the revolutionary masses from the neighbouring villages
started to move, collectively or individually, to the newly established guerrilla zone.

Kim Jong Suk and her younger brother determined to move to the guer-rilla zone in the autumn of that year. She had to part from her elder brother and her nephew, whom she had been bringing up with all her care. She had had to pay visits to far-off villages everyday to beg for milk for the baby. When refused sometimes, she had had to turn round with tears in her eyes. More than once, she had had to lull the hungry, crying baby all night, with tears in her own eyes.

Till the very moment of leaving for the guerrilla zone, she was thinking of taking the baby with her. Her elder brother Kim Ki Jun, however, did not agree with the idea. When she was stepping out of her house, her nephew burst out crying. Despite Kim Ki Jun‟s efforts to soothe it, it continued cry-ing and writhing. Heartbroken, Kim Jong Suk went back into the room, unable to start off that night. The next day, the enemy‟s “punitive” troops assaulted the village again. Kim Jong Suk quickly climbed up a nearby hill with her nephew in her arms. She meant to go straight to the guerrilla zone, taking her nephew with her.

Her brother ran after her, almost out of breath, and said to her: “You‟re not yet fully determined to fight for the revolution. If you are going to be a revolutionary, you must first think of the revolution. If you worry about your family, how can you make a revolution? Don‟t worry about the family. ... Go and fight!” With these words he took back the baby and climbed down the valley. The child‟s crying echoed through the valley, marking this eternal farewell between the brother who must have shed tears of blood hugging his son struggling not to be parted from his aunt, and the sister who had to go to the guerrilla zone hearing the heart-rending cry of her dear nephew, both taking the path of struggle, ready to sacrifice their family and everything else for the revolution.

The conditions in the newly established guerrilla zone were very hard. So many people from Xiacun and Zhongcun in Fuyan, and other neigh-bouring villages came to the guerrilla zone that there was not enough food and housing for them. To make matters worse, the enemy made “punitive” attacks on them on a large scale to nip the guerrilla zone in the bud.
Kim Jong Suk began to work at dawn every day. She got up earlier than everyone else. When she was sweeping the yard and the road, she used to hear the reveille sounded by Kim Ki Song, the bugler of the CC. When the

CC   members got up at the bugle signal and gathered on the hilltop, she would line them up and guide their morning exercises.

STANDARD-BEARER IN THE GUERRILLA ZONE

Entering the winter of 1933, the enemy intensified his “punitive” opera-tions against the guerrilla zones. Despite repeated failure, the Japanese imperialists enlisted the Jiandao task force of the occupation force in Korea,

the puppet Manchukuo army police force and armed Self-Defence Corps tens of thousands strong for winter “punitive” operations. They even brought in mortars and airplanes. Thousands of troops were hurled into the operations against the guerrilla zones in Yanji County.

Defence of the guerrilla zones was an important issue for expanding the anti-Japanese armed struggle and developing the overall Korean revolution without interruption.

Kim Jong Suk fought to defend the guerrilla zones with the unit of the AJPGA stationed in Donggou, Fuyan. Leading the members of the CV and CC, she dug trenches alongside the adults, and, when battles were fought, carried hot water to the battlegrounds braving the hail of bullets, and some-times joined the guerrillas in battles, rolling rocks down upon the enemy.

The revolutionary organization decided to evacuate the civilians in the guerrilla zone to Sifangtai, a safer place.

Late in December 1933, Kim Jong Suk left Cangcaicun with the first group of evacuees. When the second group was climbing the mountain west of the guerrilla zone, 100 Japanese “punitive” troops spotted them and began to pursue them up the snow-covered mountain slope. Most of the evacuees were old people and women carrying children on their backs. The distance between them and the enemy troops narrowed, enemy bullets hissed about their ears, and the whole group was at the very jaws of death.

At this moment, a bugle call rang out on Lufei Peak northwest of Cang caicun. It was Kim Ki Song who was blowing the bugle. Having been assigned by the organization the task of watching the enemy‟s movements, he was climbing the peak when he saw the hair-raising situation. In order to divert the enemy‟s attention and save the people, he sounded the charge on his bugle.

The bugle call threw the enemy into terror and consternation, thinking that the guerrillas were upon them. Kim Ki Song blew his bugle, and drew the enemy after him and away from the evacuees. An enemy bullet hit him, and he fell, never to rise again. He was only 12 years old.

The evacuees too thought that the guerrillas had arrived and had annihi-lated the enemy soldiers. They crossed over the mountain and went to the intermediary rendezvous, where they joined the first group of evacuees. Kim Jong Suk, who had arrived there with the first group, built a campfire for the second group of evacuees so that they could spend the night there. She never thought that her brother was lying dead on a mountainside after saving the lives of the evacuees.

Kim Ki Song‟s corpse was found by a Women‟s Association worker returning from a mission in the enemy-held area. The woman had come to the guerrilla zone with Kim Jong Suk and shared a lodging with her. Climbing the peak she found a boy lying under an oak with a bugle in his hand. A red scarf was around his neck and two clubs were tied to the knapsack on his back. 

.HER WISH IS REALIZED

In the autumn of 1934, Kim Jong Suk was called to Nengzhiying, San-daowan, to work at the Yanji County YCL Committee.

Everyone in District No.8 knew the district YCL committee member who was full of vivacity and animation, as kind-hearted to the CC members as their elder sister and to the people as their daughter, and relentless in front of the enemy. Her activities as a YCL member for two years, especially as a District No. 8 YCL Committee member, were characterized by a high sense of responsibility for her revolutionary assignments, devotion, excellent organizing abilities and traits befitting a revolutionary. This aroused trust in and respect for her among the people, and testified that she could fully undertake the work with young people on a higher level.

At the county YCL committee she engaged mainly in internal work and the work with the YCL organizations in the enemy-held areas.

In those days, the wind of ultra-Leftist anti-”Minsaengdan”struggle, initiated by chauvinists and factionalists, was sweeping through the guerrilla zones in eastern Manchuria.

Availing themselves of the opportunity created by Kim Il Sung‟s expedition to northern Manchuria, the chauvinists and factionalists stigmatized true Korean revolutionaries as “Minsaengdan” members, persecuting and even murdering them.

In Nengzhiying, Sandaowan, Ri Sang Muk was raising the whirlwind of the anti-”Minsaengdan” struggle. He stigmatized one man as a


“Minsaengdan” member for saying on his way home from night sentry duty that he was hungry, a cook for burning rice and another man for expressing sympathy for a comrade who was suspected of being a member.

The people did not know whom to trust or when misfortune would befall them; they lived in terror and suspense. Among the “Minsaengdan” suspects imprisoned were Ku Myong Bok, the county Party chief, whom Kim Jong Suk had been acquainted with from their days in District No. 8, and Kim Tong Gu, a man of strong principles and a courageous officer of the guerrilla army.

Kim Jong Suk did not believe that they were “Minsaengdan” members, and felt from the beginning that the struggle against the organization was cooked up by evil people. Besides, she had experience of fighting against this misguided struggle. In the previous spring, a meeting to try a “Minsaengdan” member was held in Fuyan. The one to be tried was Choe Hui Suk, who had long worked well as a YCL member. The evidence against her was that she had “complained” about the difficult life in the guerrilla zone. Everyone present at the meeting knew that she could not be a “Minsaengdan” member, but did not dare say so lest they themselves be tarred with the same brush. Kim Jong Suk, however, unhesitatingly took the floor, and spoke in defence of Choe. She said, “I believe that Choe is faithful to the revolution. How can we say our revolutionary comrade is a „Minsaengdan‟ member just because of a word she uttered? If we kill revolutionaries as „Minseangdan‟ members, it will be the enemy who will benefit.”

The audience responded to her appeal. The chauvinists who were trying her could not but find her innocent. Later, Choe fought bravely as a soldier of the KPRA. She was arrested by the enemy, who blinded her. But she shouted, “I can see the victory of the revolution,” demonstrating the indefatigable will and revolutionary principles of Korean revolutionaries.

One year later, the situation was even grimmer. No logic defence or strong evidence made sense. Anyone who defended the “Minsaengdan” suspects or helped them, even to the slightest degree, was condemned as a “Minsaengdan” member there and then.

However, Kim Jong Suk could not remain silent when true revolutionaries were stigmatized as “Minsaengdan” members and killed, and an atmosphere of distrust and terror was created in the revolutionary ranks.

When the Anti-Japanese Self-Defence Corps members in Donggou were condemned as being connected with the “Minsaengdan”, Kim Jong Suk visited them without hesitation. She encouraged them, saying that they should never give in, but instead hold fast to their revolutionary principles as befitted young Korean revolutionaries.

This could not but enrage the chauvinists and factionalist worshippers of big powers. 

JOINING THE KPRA

On September 18, 1935, Kim Jong Suk joined the KPRA in the Chechangzi guerrilla zone.

That day, a new chapter opened in Kim Jong Suk‟s career as a leg-endary “anti-Japanese heroine” and “woman general of Mt. Paektu”.

In front of the red flag fluttering in the sky of Chechangzi, she was awarded a rifle bearing the blood and wishes of fallen comrades and the expectations of the Korean nation.

That day, Kim Jong Suk expressed her determination in this way:

“With this rifle bearing the blood of the revolutionary forerunners and the people‟s desire for national liberation, I will be faithful to General Kim Il Sung to the last moment of my life. I take this one rifle as one hundred rifles and will shoot one bullet as one hundred bullets to take revenge on the enemy.”

She was faithful to this resolve from her first day in the KPRA. On joining the army, she was entrusted by the Party organization with the task of doing the YCL work in the unit. While performing this task, she was zealous in exercising guerrilla tactics and political study. She also devoted efforts to shooting practice. Her marksmanship became known from the battles she fought in to defend the guerrilla zone.
 In October that year, a revolutionary organization in the enemy-held area sent a message to the guerrilla zone. Enemy troops numbering 10,000 were to be hurled into the “punitive” operations against theguerrillazone. The  guerrillas,  Anti-Japanese  Self-Defence  Corps  and  Young

Volunleers, Corps in the guerrilla zone totalled only about 100. The odds were overwhelmingly against the guerrillas. Anxiety and apprehension prevailed among the commanding officers, and it was transmitted to the men in the fighting positions.

Kim Jong Suk, occupying a position with other fighters, encouraged them, saying that their defence position on a steep cliff near the Godong River was quite advantageous for repulsing the enemy‟s attack.

The battle started in the early morning. The enemy soldiers, armed with heavy and light machine-guns and artillery, and supported by planes, launched their attack on three sides. On the bank of the river they stopped advancing, and started bombing to detect the positions of the guerrillas. They had to cross a log bridge over the river, and there, a gateway to the guerrilla zone, crack shots of the KPRA were positioned. As there was no response from the guerrillas, the enemy soldiers began to cross the river over the narrow bridge at about noon.

The guerrillas discharged a volley of bullets when the main column of the enemy troops was in the middle of the bridge. The bridge was covered with the corpses of the enemy soldiers in an instant.

Kim Jong Suk hit with a single shot a Japanese officer who was com-manding his men with a sword.

Seeing their officer fall, the enemy soldiers retreated in haste into the forest.

The company commander ran to the guerrillas, and said that the enemy were attempting to break through the defence line of the Young Volunteers‟ Corps, and reinforcements should be sent there.

Kim Jong Suk volunteered to go, as she had been there several times. She rushed there together with a veteran guerrilla. The enemy soldiers were crossing the river, and a group of them were already climbing the height occupied by the young volunteers. The inexperienced young volunteers were in a panic.

Reading the situation at once, Kim Jong Suk rushed to the volunteers and shouted, “Comrades, roll down the rocks!” There were heaps of rocks there, which had been piled up at the time of the building of the defence position. The volunteers came to their senses, and began to roll the rocks down. Faced with this unexpected type of attack, the enemy soldiers were thrown into confusion. At this moment, Kim Jong Suk told the volunteers

to fire their rifles, taking careful aim, herself shooting down an enemy soldier with every bullet each.

The battle was fiercer the next day. At the height of the battle, ammunition was in short supply. 



IN MAANSHAN

From Naitoushan to Maanshan was not a long distance, and it took only two days on foot in ordinary times. But at this time of year the primeval forest, waist-deep snow, rugged cliffs and steep mountain ridges made the march very difficult.

In addition, Kim Jong Suk was leading 20 CC members. The children had followed the guerrilla unit from Chechangzi.

When they were about to leave Chechangzi, some narrow-minded com-manding officers and chauvinists suggested sending the children to the enemy‟s ruling area, claiming that they would hinder the guerrilla action.

Kim Jong Suk said that this ran against the intention of General Kim Il Sung, and it was a dangerous suggestion which did not consider the future of the Korean revolution. Many of the guerrillas supported Kim Jong Suk. The children who had followed the guerrilla unit from Chechangzi suffered much, separated from the unit temporarily when the guerrillas encountered the enemy, but they finally arrived in Naitoushan. Their determination was that even if they were to die, they would die while following the guerrilla unit.

In Naitoushan, Kim Jong Suk patched children‟s clothes and took good care of sick children. The children gained some experience there, watching the enemy‟s moves, standing guard and taking part in battles against the enemy‟s “punitive” troops by helping the guerrillas.

Nevertheless, leaving Naitoushan, some chauvinists and their followers again tried to leave the children behind. We need not make these poorly-dressed children suffer hardships by dragging them about in this rigorous winter. How miserable they are trying to keep up with the unit! Remember how much they hindered our actions on the way to Naitoushan. This was their assertion.

Kim Jong Suk refuted this assertion. She said that the fallen comrades would blame them, if they left the children behind in Naitoushan. She repeatedly insisted that she would personally lead the children on her own responsibility.

The chauvinists had to capitulate. When they got near to Maanshan, the regimental headquarters, heading for Jiaohe, gave an instruction that only the “Minsaengdan” suspects and the CC members should proceed to the

Maanshan secret camp.

Repressing her anger, Kim Jong Suk walked towards Maanshan with the totally exhausted children. When some children fell down, she encouraged them, saying that if they walked a little more, they would see Maanshan. Sometimes she walked with a little boy on her back.

When they arrived in Maanshan, nobody welcomed them. Instead, the chief of the secret camp became angry and asked who ordered her to bring children to the secret camp. Saying that the children would hinder the guerrilla action, he demanded that she take them to a far-off log cabin.

The guerrillas who had come together with the children were sent to the Sampho secret camp, separated from the main camp, because they were “Minsaengdan” suspects.

The log cabin in which the children were put had no door or paper cov-erings for the windows. Snowflakes flew into the room through the door and windows. In the cabin there were already other children, whose condition was even more wretched than that of those Kim Jong Suk had brought with her. They had also come to Maanshan following a guerrilla unit, determined to avenge their dead parents, but they were neglected. Consequently, Kim Jong Suk alone had charge of dozens of children.

Two days passed, but nobody called at the log cabin. Kim Jong Suk repaired the log cabin with the children to make it basically comfortable, but there was no way to obtain food. On the third day, she visited the chief of the secret camp, but he said that the Maanshan secret camp was not a place for bringing up children, and demanded that she send them to the enemy-ruled area.

In the meantime the food he allowed for the children was not enough to provide them with even one meal a day.

Kim Jong Suk herself dug out grass roots from the snow-covered ground and picked berries to feed the children. Many times she had only water for her own meal.

She had to take care of sick children and patch their threadbare clothes. Not a day passed without difficulty. She frequently spent many sleepless nights and skipped meals. Once she found rice bran in a deserted Buddhist temple. About one month passed in this way. The children became weaker every day, and the number of sick children increased. Kim Jong Suk called on the guerrillas she had come with. But, the situation of those “Minsaengdan” suspects was hardly different from that of the children. The cold wind of the ultra-leftist anti-”Min-saengdan” campaign was blowing continuously in Maanshan. However, they were only ones she could depend on. “We must obtain food,” she told them. “If we leave the children as they are, they will die in a few days. Please help me. Organize a small unit, and I will join it.”


THE SECRET CAMP ON MT. PAEKTU

The main force unit of the KPRA started a march towards the border area on the Amnok River amid a rousing send-off from the people of Manjiang.

They crossed a boundless primeval forest, before they reached Duoguling, a high and rugged pass which was located southwest of Mt. Paektu.

Encouraged by Kim Il Sung‟s words that if they scaled this pass, they would get a distant view of their homeland, the soldiers climbed the mountain, forgetting their exhaustion.

At last they heard his resonant voice. “Comrades!” he cried. “The homeland is in sight.” Kim Jong Suk ran up to the top of the pass hand in hand

with other women guerrillas.

They could see Mt. Paektu, the grand spectacle of the snow-capped ancestral mountain, the symbol of the long history of Korea, and the green mountain ranges stretching from it.

Oh, dear homeland! They had long fought with rifle in hand in eager anticipation of setting foot on Korean soil.

Kim Jong Suk asked Kim Il Sung where Hoeryong was. He pointed northeast far over Mt. Paektu.

He said that Hoeryong was located on the other side of the Tuman River, beyond Mt. Paektu. Kim Jong Suk looked far over the mountain with deep emotion and excitement, as he pointed.

Kim Il Sung said, indicating the homeland on the shores of the Amnok River: “Look at that boundless sea of forests and rugged ravines with cliffs on both sides. This wonderful natural fortress stretching from the summit of Mt. Paektu, the ancestral mountain of our country, will provide us with a theatre of our sacred future struggle. We will establish secret camps deep in the forests at the foot of Mt. Paektu, using the natural fortress of this vast forest, and unite the people firmly into a national liberation front, so as to raise the torch of national restoration.”

Bearing his teachings in mind, she looked back upon the road the Korean revolution had traversed to Mt. Paektu. It was indeed a course of a bloody struggle, which had to break through a forest of bayonets.

In this course, the strength of the KPRA, the leading force of the Korean revolution, increased beyond comparison, and the ARF, the standing anti-Japanese national united front, was organized, under which different classes were uniting.

If the KPRA settled down in the Mt. Paektu area, it would be possible to unite all the patriotic forces in the homeland, and accomplish the cause of national liberation by means of nationwide resistance. This was Kim Il Sung‟s plan, and he already made a resolution after the Donggang meeting to establish a new revolutionary base in the Mt. Paektu area. He assigned the task of leading the advance party to Kim Ju Hyon and Ri Tong Hak.

On the day of their departure to the Mt. Paektu area to select the site for the establishment of the secret camp on Mt. Paektu, Kim Ju Hyon expressed his intention to go alone, however hard his work might be, and to leave Company Commander Ri Tong Hak with the unit to guard Headquarters.

Kim Jong Suk said that the establishment of the secret bases on Mt. Paektu was a very important task relating to the Korean revolution as a whole, and so Kim Il Sung had decided to send the two men in advance, as a special mission. She requested them to exert all their efforts for implementation of their task without having to worry about safeguarding Headquarters.

IN TAOQUANLI

With a view to further consolidating the ARF organizations and rapidly expanding them on a national scale, Kim Il Sung dispatched experienced political workers to various regions, including those in the homeland.

In mid-March 1937, when the unit arrived in the Xigang area, he assigned Kim Jong Suk the task of conducting underground political work in the Taoquanli-Sinpha area.

Kim Il Sung instructed her to base herself in Taoquanli, and improve the work of the ARF in the Xiagangqu area before opening a route to Sinpha and expanding the network of the ARF organizations in the east coast areas of Korea. “I‟m confident that you will succeed in this challenging task. Whenever you face difficulties, please rely on your comrades and the people,” he added.

“I will carry out the task without fail and return to the unit, Comrade Commander.”

Her reply, though short, reflected her firm determination to prove herself worthy of the trust and expectation of Kim Il Sung in the face of all trials and difficulties.

Concentrating their oppressive military forces on the border area along the Amnok River, the Japanese imperialists made frantic efforts to check the thrust of the KPRA into the homeland. In addition, they instigated their stooges affiliated with the “Concord Society”, to launch a disinformation campaign about the KPRA, and dampen the revolutionary zeal of the people.

Kim Jong Suk left Headquarters for Changbai.

Staying for a fortnight in a rendezvous eight kilometres from Tian-shangshui, she helped the work of the ARF chapter there and at the same time made preparations for underground work, reading newspapers and studying the situation in Taoquanli and Xiagangqu and the Sinpha area in the homeland, with the help of Kim Jae Su and other underground organization members.

In April that year, in the guise of an immigrant from Musan named Om Ok Sun, she went to Taoquanli.

Taoquanli, consisting of several hamlets, was a fairly large mountainous village with about 200 households.

She first met Jong Tong Chol, the village head and a member of the underground organization. Jong explained the state of affairs in Taoquanli, the composition of its inhabitants and the activities of the underground organizations.

The operations of the ARF chapters and branches formed in Taoquanli, Yaofangzi and several other villages were sluggish at that time. 

THE SPECIAL ENVOY

In early July 1937, a messenger from Headquarters came to convey to Kim Jong Suk a new task given by Kim Il Sung, requiring her to move immediately to the homeland to inform the revolutionary organizations and patriots active there of the clear target and appropriate strategy and tactics for their future struggle, to unite behind the ARF the revolutionaries and members of all the anti-Japanese organizations active in a dispersed way, and to push ahead with the preparations for the founding of the Party.

The task required her to go to the Phungsan area, in particular, to send Chondoists under the influence of the relevant revolutionary organizations to

the Chondoists Conference to be held in Seoul, in order to bring revolutionary influence to bear on the Chondoists throughout the country. Her duties also included meeting Ri Ju Yon, Ri Young and Ri Yong, about whom the homeland revolutionary organizations had reported. It was an important task aimed at extending the anti-Japanese national united front movement and the preparations for the founding of the Party to the homeland, and building a revolutionary bulwark on the east coast of the homeland.

Working with strange Chondoists in the Phungsan area and also with unfamiliar communists and anti-Japanese patriots active in various places of the homeland was a very tough job that required prudence.

Chondoism was founded in 1860 by Choe Je U under the slogan, “Innaechon” (Man and God are one) and “Pogukanmin” (Defending the country and providing welfare for the people), and developed by second leader Choe Si Hyong and third leader Son Pyong Hui into a national religious organization with three million followers. This religious organization was involved in the Kabo Peasant War, the Righteous Volunteers struggle and the March First Popular Uprising, under the banner of “Driving out the Westerners and the Japanese” and “Defending the country and providing welfare for the people.” However, the upper strata of Chondoism turned into reformists later. Some of them, Choe Rin, for example, turned pro-Japanese after serving prison terms. But the majority of the followers of this faith formed various organizations to resist the Japanese.

Proceeding from his understanding of this situation, Kim Il Sung, fol-lowing the founding of the ARF, elaborated a plan of uniting all of the three million followers of Chondoism behind ARF organizations, and discussed his plan with Tojong Pak In Jin (Tojong is a title of a local leader of the Chondoist religion) for three days at the secret camp on Saja Hill in the winter of 1936.

During the meeting, Tojong Pak In Jin expressed his full support for Kim Il Sung‟s idea of national liberation, declared his determination to enlist the one million members of the Young Chondoist Party in the sacred war for Korea‟s liberation, and promised that he would keep in close contact with Kim Il Sung.

Later, Tojong Pak went to Seoul, where the Chondoists General Confer-ence was to be held, to negotiate with Choe Rin and the upper echelons of the central body of Chondoism.

Pak urged the followers of the Chondoist faith to fight, united behind the ARF. Yet Choe Rin opposed him, advocating reformism and a pro-Japanese policy.

Enraged, Pak broke with Choe Rin, and returned to Phungsan. He stopped sending annual ritual rice to Seoul, and recalled his permanent representative at the headquarters of the Young Chondoist Party in Seoul.


LET NOT THE DEATHS OF COMRADES-IN-ARMS

BE IN VAIN

By the time Kim Jong Suk returned to the unit after completing her mission of underground activities, the prevailing situation was complicated and grave.

Following their provocation of full-scale armed aggression on the Chinese mainland on July 7, 1937, the Japanese imperialists stepped up their fascist suppression of the Korean people and “punitive” offensive against the KPRA, on the pretext of ensuring “security in the rear.”

At successive meetings, including the meeting of the commanding per-sonnel of the main-force unit of the KPRA held at the secret camp on Mt. Paektu in July 1937, and in the Appeal to All Korean Compatriots published in September the same year, Kim Il Sung put forward a policy of intensifying the anti-Japanese armed struggle and bringing about a new upsurge in the Korean revolution as a whole, to meet the rapidly-changing situation. He said that, before anything else, the KPRA units should wage brisk armed struggle in the border areas and in the homeland, launch a hard strike at the enemy from the rear, and accelerate the preparations for an all-people resistance throughout the country.

The winter operations in 1937 and the spring offensive in 1938 were an important part of implementing this strategic and tactical policy. Kim Il Sung dispatched to various places many small units whose mission it was to build up underground revolutionary organizations and secure clothing and food necessary for the launching of new operations.

Kim Jong Suk, too, was assigned a task a few days after her return. The destination of her new mission was the Jiazaishui village, where she was to take quick steps to protect the revolutionary organizations from the crackdown prompted by the “Hyesan incident,” and direct the work of the small unit that had been dispatched there to obtain clothing and food.

When she arrived at the Jiazaishui village, Kim Jong Suk repeatedly spoke highly of the efforts made by the members of the revolutionary organizations there to protect their organizations and send a large amount of supply goods to the guerrilla army, in the teeth of the enemy‟s suppression. And she said, “It is extremely important to protect revolutionary organizations as the enemy‟s white terror is gaining momentum, ... but what you should know is that revolutionary organizations are formed to wage struggle, not to protect themselves, and they will only grow stronger in the crucible of struggle.”

While showing great concern for making the revolutionary organizations more militant and active, she led the small unit to deal all out with the work of obtaining clothing and food.

THE NEW THEATRE OF WAR ON THE BANK OF THE TUMAN RIVER

The main-force unit of the KPRA left Changshanling, and marched in the direction of Damalugou. It reached Dagou, Antu County, where Kim Il Sung called, on May 24, 1939, a meeting of military and political cadres of the KPRA to put forward a policy of building another strong revolutionary bulwark in the areas northeast of Mt. Paektu through intensive military and political activities there. He divided the main-force unit of the KPRA into groups of regimental size, so that each could hold a certain area, striking the enemy here and there, and closely combining military actions with political activities. As a result, the Guard Company and the 8th Regiment left for Huifengdong via Yushidong, Helong County, the 7th Regiment advanced to the areas west of Hongqihe, and many different political operatives‟ teams went to the homeland.

One of the political operatives‟ teams included Ri Tong Gol, who had committed a grave error as a result of his involvement in Om Kwang Ho‟s counterrevolutionary activities at the Qingfeng Secret Camp. The day he was assigned by Kim Il Sung to the task of political work in the homeland, Ri came to meet Kim Jong Suk. She congratulated him from the bottom of her heart on the honour of having been entrusted with the task. In fact, when Ri had been demoted to a cook as punishment for his crime, it was none other than Kim Jong Suk who had shown concern for him more than anybody else. Subjected as she had been to harsh maltreatment at the Qingfeng Secret Camp, she never revealed her displeasure with him. On the contrary, she helped him a lot in the kitchen, by the camp-fire, or on the march, and often talked with him about the revolutionary attitude, obligation and comradeship. For this reason, she rejoiced over Ri‟s assignment to the new task as if it was her own honour, and said, “Let us work to translate the Commander‟s idea of national liberation into reality to the letter. You need to think of the Commander each time you face challenges and find yourself in a helpless situation. Then, you‟ll feel re-energized and think of a way out. 

IN THE WAKE OF THE XIAOHAERBALING
CONFERENCE

The Japanese imperialists, even before concluding their war against China, expanded the theatre of war to Southeast Asia, in order to realize their ambition of creating a “Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere”28. In the meantime, for the “security of the home front”, they launched a large-scale “punitive” offensive to “finally annihilate” the KPRA by mobilizing a 200,000-strong elite force, at the same time resorting to unprecedented political oppression and economic plunder of the Korean people.

Externally, the flames of the Second World War were spreading all over the world.

In this grim situation, Kim Il Sung cherished an optimistic view of the chances for the restoration of the country, and set forth the strategic policy of taking the initiative to greet the momentous occasion.

The Xiaohaerbaling conference of military and political cadres of the KPRA was held on August 10th and 11th, 1940. At the meeting, Kim Il Sung

defined a new strategic task of switching over from large-unit operations to small-unit actions, so as to preserve and accumulate the forces of the KPRA, the backbone of the Korean revolution, train its officers and men to be able political and military cadres, prepare the Korean people politically and ideologically, and make preparations for all-people resistance, for taking the initiative to greet the great event of national liberation.

After the conference, the KPRA was reorganized into small units and groups, and units for military and political training.

In the period of small-unit actions, Kim Jong Suk took part in the battles fought at Huanghuadianzi, Antu County, and at Facaitun, Yanji County, under the command of Kim Il Sung. Wherever she went, she conducted brisk political activities among the people, inspiring them to join the sacred war for the country‟s liberation.

In September that year, accompanying Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Suk went to the secret camp on Mt. Kanbaek. The camp was built on the plateau between the main peak of Mt. Paektu and Mt. Kanbaek.

Having fully acquainted himself with the activities of the small units and groups, Kim Il Sung called a meeting of their leaders. Kim Jong Suk attended the meeting.

At the meeting, Kim Il Sung gave the leaders detailed tasks for training the members of the small units and groups to be efficient military and political cadres, building temporary secret bases in the favourable mountainous areas in northern Korea, on which they could rely during their activities, finding their way into the major industrial areas, rural villages and fishermen‟s villages to bring the people there to the consciousness of the revolution and organize them, and for organizing various forms of anti-Japanese struggle. He regrouped some small units and defined the areas of their operation.

Panic-stricken in those days by the successful activities of the small units and groups of the KPRA, the Japanese imperialists made frantic efforts to track down the Headquarters of the KPRA. Their “punitive” forces, secret agents and traitors to the revolution prowled the mountains and valleys.

In this situation, Kim Jong Suk set the foremost task of the small unit led by Kim Il Sung to be that of ensuring his personal safety.

Kim Jong Suk had already stressed at a Party cell meeting of her small unit immediately after the Xiaohaerbaling conference that the first and foremost task of the Headquarters bodyguards was to ensure the personal safety of Kim Il Sung, and that this meant the liberation of the country and the bright future of the revolution.

In the small unit led by Kim Il Sung, she was a point woman and a sentry for the safety of Kim Il Sung: 


ALWAYS A BODYGUARD

Freed from the colonial yoke of Japanese imperialism, Korea was seething with excitement and delight.

People who had been conscripted into the Japanese army or into forced labour gangs or who had been displaced within the country or abroad returned to be reunited with their dear ones in tears of happiness in all parts of the country.

After her arrival in Pyongyang, however, Kim Jong Suk made every effort without a moment‟s relaxation to assist Kim Il Sung in his work and ensure his personal security as she had done in the years of fighting against the Japanese.

Whenever her comrades advised her to pay a visit to Hoeryong or to find out the whereabouts of her relatives, she used to answer that although the Japanese had been driven out of the country, the Americans were occupying south Korea, and reactionaries were hatching insidious plots, that the General was working day and night, that she could not afford to leave the General instead of helping him in his work, and that she would not go to visit her relatives before the country became secure.

Guarding Kim Il Sung‟s personal security was especially important in view of the intensifying reactionary manoeuvres. As the framework of nation building was formed in the north and as the democratic force grew stronger, the class enemies resorted to terrorist acts at the instigation of the US imperialists. The chairman of the South Phyongan Provincial Party Committee fell a victim to the enemy‟s terrorism. He had joined the revolutionary organization with the help of Ri Ju Yon, who had been sent to South Phyongan Province by Kim Jong Suk before liberation. He had worked in line with Kim Il Sung‟s idea. 


ALWAYS A BODYGUARD

Freed from the colonial yoke of Japanese imperialism, Korea was seething with excitement and delight.

People who had been conscripted into the Japanese army or into forced labour gangs or who had been displaced within the country or abroad returned to be reunited with their dear ones in tears of happiness in all parts of the country.

After her arrival in Pyongyang, however, Kim Jong Suk made every effort without a moment‟s relaxation to assist Kim Il Sung in his work and ensure his personal security as she had done in the years of fighting against the Japanese.

Whenever her comrades advised her to pay a visit to Hoeryong or to find out the whereabouts of her relatives, she used to answer that although the Japanese had been driven out of the country, the Americans were occupying south Korea, and reactionaries were hatching insidious plots, that the General was working day and night, that she could not afford to leave the General instead of helping him in his work, and that she would not go to visit her relatives before the country became secure.

Guarding Kim Il Sung‟s personal security was especially important in view of the intensifying reactionary manoeuvres. As the framework of nation building was formed in the north and as the democratic force grew stronger, the class enemies resorted to terrorist acts at the instigation of the US imperialists. The chairman of the South Phyongan Provincial Party Committee fell a victim to the enemy‟s terrorism. He had joined the revolutionary organization with the help of Ri Ju Yon, who had been sent to South Phyongan Province by Kim Jong Suk before liberation. He had worked in line with Kim Il Sung‟s idea. 

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